Catalonia: nationalism breeds conflict
The central government in Spain has repeatedly mismanaged the political division in Catalonia. Though it is understandable that they do not want to see Spain broken up, the right of people to self-determination should be upheld and the government should have negotiated the holding of a referendum, taking the lead from the UK and the Scottish independence referendum in 2014. Trying to impose authority from above, especially when the pro-independence groups had reached a critical mass of support within Catalonia (though not necessarily a majority) was foolish and bound to lead to more division and problems later down the line. The repressive response to the illegal referendum that was held anyway was also a cumbersome and dangerous reaction; far better to have said from the outset that the result would not be respected but to leave the police at home.
On the other hand, the faults and wrongdoing of the central government should not blind us into making saints out of the independence movement in Catalonia. Their leaders have also chosen to escalate the conflict through deciding to hold a referendum they knew would not be respected, that they knew would lack democratic legitimacy as it would be boycotted by the opposition (turnout did not breach 50%). A unilateral declaration of independence is also a move calculated to create provocation rather than peaceful dialogue. Too many, especially on the left, ignore that many pro-independence groups are very right-wing and not at all the progressives that some have envisioned in their stereotype of the oppressed group fighting against the authoritarian central state.
When we see conflict and pain arising out of the crisis in Catalonia, what we see is the inevitable result of nationalism. We are looking at a conflict between Spanish nationalism and Catalan nationalism.
This is always the underlying dynamic of nationalism; it creates In and Out groups and thrives by encouraging conflict between these groups as a way of cementing the identity and unity of those in the In group.
If we wish to be both democrats and anti-nationalist, then naturally a legal referendum that saw a clear victory for those opposed to independence would have been preferable. Even then, however, this would not have been a good outcome if the result was taken as a mandate for an imposition of Spanish nationalism. Ultimately, Spain would have had to undergo the debate that many countries need to undergo if we are to escape from the bloody trap of nationalism: an acceptance of multiple and fluid identities and the withering away of the idea that a state must encompass only one nation.
If we want to do away with the regressive mindset of nationalism, then breaking apart existing nation-states into smaller nation-states is no solution. It is the concept of the nation-state itself that is the problem; an inherently exclusionary idea that forces the sorts of conflicts that we are now seeing in Catalonia. Under the nation-state, we are told that the state is the nation and vice-versa, therefore if you do not possess your own state, you are not really a nation. Nationalism and the nation-state tell Catalans that if they wish to be truly recognised and respected, then they must have their own state, for otherwise their nation will never be 'real'. This idea is toxic for unity and cooperation in Europe.
The solution is clear: the state is not the nation, the nation is not the state. We coexist in single states as different religions, social classes and ethnicities, why not as different nations? The solution to the crisis in Catalonia is not the victory of Catalan nationalism or Spanish nationalism but a significant project of constitutional reform that declares Spain to be a multinational state.
On the other hand, the faults and wrongdoing of the central government should not blind us into making saints out of the independence movement in Catalonia. Their leaders have also chosen to escalate the conflict through deciding to hold a referendum they knew would not be respected, that they knew would lack democratic legitimacy as it would be boycotted by the opposition (turnout did not breach 50%). A unilateral declaration of independence is also a move calculated to create provocation rather than peaceful dialogue. Too many, especially on the left, ignore that many pro-independence groups are very right-wing and not at all the progressives that some have envisioned in their stereotype of the oppressed group fighting against the authoritarian central state.
When we see conflict and pain arising out of the crisis in Catalonia, what we see is the inevitable result of nationalism. We are looking at a conflict between Spanish nationalism and Catalan nationalism.
This is always the underlying dynamic of nationalism; it creates In and Out groups and thrives by encouraging conflict between these groups as a way of cementing the identity and unity of those in the In group.
If we wish to be both democrats and anti-nationalist, then naturally a legal referendum that saw a clear victory for those opposed to independence would have been preferable. Even then, however, this would not have been a good outcome if the result was taken as a mandate for an imposition of Spanish nationalism. Ultimately, Spain would have had to undergo the debate that many countries need to undergo if we are to escape from the bloody trap of nationalism: an acceptance of multiple and fluid identities and the withering away of the idea that a state must encompass only one nation.
If we want to do away with the regressive mindset of nationalism, then breaking apart existing nation-states into smaller nation-states is no solution. It is the concept of the nation-state itself that is the problem; an inherently exclusionary idea that forces the sorts of conflicts that we are now seeing in Catalonia. Under the nation-state, we are told that the state is the nation and vice-versa, therefore if you do not possess your own state, you are not really a nation. Nationalism and the nation-state tell Catalans that if they wish to be truly recognised and respected, then they must have their own state, for otherwise their nation will never be 'real'. This idea is toxic for unity and cooperation in Europe.
The solution is clear: the state is not the nation, the nation is not the state. We coexist in single states as different religions, social classes and ethnicities, why not as different nations? The solution to the crisis in Catalonia is not the victory of Catalan nationalism or Spanish nationalism but a significant project of constitutional reform that declares Spain to be a multinational state.
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